学谦的忘秋斋

学谦的忘秋斋
_____________学谦学浅,习问习文_____________

博客信息
博主:郑学谦 不在线! 
博客日历
<< 2012 一月 >>
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
8 9 10 11 12 13 14
15 16 17 18 19 20 21
22 23 24 25 26 27 28
29 30 31 1 2 3 4
博客登录
用户:
密码:
标签列表
博客搜索
博客音乐
日志存档
统计信息
  • 访问:146706 次
  • 日志: 189篇
  • 评论: 519 个
  • 留言: 34 个
  • 建站时间: 2006-5-5
博客成员



 
戊子《不成集》
2009-2-8 星期日(Sunday) 晴
【詞部】

最高樓-黃山行

  其一 出行
  春風暖,吹醒宅居郎。此起欲何方?松濤遺韻軒轅樂,山嵐藏色太平鄉。趁熹微,憑快意,下徽杭。
  十四載,未知君瘦否。八百里,未歸君候久。須半日,債清償。尋常雲岫先翻閱,逶迤山野未蒼茫。掠花飛,亦不過,染些黃。

  其二 暮宿屯溪,初見碧雲有贈,用稼軒韻      
  屯溪客,山色忘關心。辜負日初沉。此山算有千姿態,見君已得半峰林。夜須臾,應盡興,趁如今。
  未會面,約期爲我恨。待聚首,盛情成我病。何處我,為君斟?碧雲會縱青雲上,聼誰復作短歌吟。月明時,看霓繞,是君音。

  其三 屯溪至黃山沿途
  雞鳴未?天白亦陰霾。嵐靄塞胸懷。當時攬我青春臂,緣何舉袖掩羞腮。忽風揚,流秀色,更招徠。
  竹擺手,掃塵迎遠客。茶待摘,釀香牽客魄。山下路,且休呆。待聞飛瀑奔雷下,才臨絕境第一階。況危松,嶙峋処,亂雲排。

水龍吟-次韻答樂遊
  七賢只剩文章,我如修竹將誰候?清......
郑学谦 发表于 2009-02-08 18:58 分类:诗词 | 送小红花 推荐指数:0 | 浏览:994 | 评论: 0
丁亥《呻吟集》
2008-2-23 星期六(Saturday) 晴

【詞部】


壽樓春-悼陳佳麗
  君音何遲遲。挂春幡柳上,待聞早歸。卻惹瀟瀟白雨,送來悲辭。牽挂者,將何追。且滿斟,離情西醅。寄一曲低歌,酬君此去,明月照淄衣。
  從今後,君音稀。漸他人淡忘,而我餘思。故紙尋君遺跡,念之心摧。然悵望,清明時。滿野生,流雲芳菲。是寄語花神,當年誓願君莫違。


摸魚兒
  欲當歌,直落情緒,宜悲猶帶淒苦。千端齊湧辛酸調,凝咽一時無語。獨坐處,對窗外,萬家燈火川流路。且張遠目,盡疊障高樓,阻斷阡陌,不見舊庭戶。
  思鄉事,總是癡心自誤。那堪歸後閒步。閒愁換作鄉愁曲,料得此生無數。今且住,也莫舞,欄杆拍遍無人顧。行雲如故,正笑我書卷,從容漂泊,滬上到湘楚。


揚州慢-寄遠
  無數芳菲,任憑流過,坐彈一臂輕塵。望西山盡處,有淚眼哀呻。待攬入,懷中暖意,奈何山水,分斷靈魂。便癡癡,聼辨依稀,錯賦長門。
  夜長晝緩,欲追隨,相執爲鄰。恨相如羞澀,文君敬父,居室清貧。況我此生強項,辭家去,只手耕耘。寄伊人須信,除君曾悅何人?


賀新郎-看雲
  江晚當時別。恰如今,雲垂天際,鍍愁銷骨。一抹嬌紅羞千里,已覺肌膚勝雪。更美目,金光流泄。直落我懷知暖意,正癡癡,遙祝君長悅。頓涕下,失聲咽。
  驀然回首堪誰說?盡華燈,滿城溢彩,曲江浮霓。低唱輕斟人空了,只悵風塵雙頰。怎學得,明朝散髮。且看雲生還匆去,是涅槃,莫憐須臾滅。澄澈夜,月殘缺。


賀新郎-山中記事,步藍煙韻
  山夕誰言好?看昏沉,松風漸冷,暗痕侵道。又是一天匆過了,滿室灰塵未掃。莫舉燭,將斯細照。不想月明穿簾下,更秋蟲,咶噪牆邊草。些許事,又縈繞。
  那時正唱鴻鵠調,怕天低,難張我力,幾分羞嘯。無奈飛時先折翅,從此前途潦倒。便斂羽,山居仿效。未得陶公南山意,卻頻思,醉裏將燈挑。踉蹌步,對君笑。


賀新郎-夜來誰訴相思苦,步魚兒韻
  常向天涯旅。臭皮囊,灌腸酒肉,坐擁佳侶。莫管人間紛紛事,我只閒情蕩櫓。閒蕩櫓,身邊有汝。媚眼送儂儂癡笑,臉緋紅,相映白雲浦。將暮色,納胸腑。
  夜來誰訴相思苦。夢還空,隻身遙望,在伊湘楚。未兌甜言成情債,誰識今番心緒。愁甚矣,危欄又佇。山遠水長腸已斷,更何須,林立高樓阻。伊淚臉,付誰睹。


賀新郎-暮雨,步閱微韻
  雨打零丁暮。甚無端,情難隨己,命由天數。也罷殞身飛花下,一地傷心碎語。猶未算,污泥同路。欲辨此身清白志,卻不知,誰識君情緒。紅與綠,夜黃浦。
  而君勝我孤身旅。若平生,果然坎坷,幸福誰與?且問且行還三省,終日惶惶怕誤。而對錯,從來自取。只是當時無人說,恰如今,萬籟隨風去。又豈在,暮時雨。


江城子-中秋有懷,叠去嵗中秋詞韻
  誰家浪子倚樓東,正情濃,只詞窮。開襟納月,莫笑我懷空。不見流雲日複夜,堪比我,更癡容。
  漸行漸遠失君蹤,欲追從,禦何風。念之泣下,遺恨過秋冬。低咽此情終不改,今與昨,一般同。


減字木蘭花-臨屏次華仔韻
  此生若矢,一任絕無回首駛。夢蝶拈花,誰識出塵亦帶枷。
  雖縛雙臂,炫舞低歌將命抵。化作泥巴,塑個靈魂酬女媧。


江城子-用韻酬醉含烟
  苦情何必滿江東,此時濃,轉時窮。雲消雨住,回首豈空空?我道苦癡非一事,君切莫,染愁容。
  當年誇父競追蹤,算隨從,露兼風。難消渴望,擲杖暖寒冬。不悔癡心多幻滅,君與我,略相同。


減字木蘭花-自壽兼寄兩鄉詩社
  我來世界,赤子痛啼吞大塊。漸剩呼噓,醉或依稀憶卜居。
  而心未死,放足天涯策結駟。二十五年,錦瑟初彈第一弦。


霓裳中序第一(初稿)
  秋風曳我泣,巷樹無端空佇立。扶問眼前景色,竟何似故鄉,君黃他碧。參差舊宅,作伴昏燈更深仄。而回首,浦江繞過,霓彩忘情國。
  羈客,且噓三息。悵恨處,當年棄疾。輕將飛騎五十,換取功名,隔斷江北。若重來此局,執子手,如何一擲?誰能待,戈多長久,老樹夕陽側。


臨江仙-記魯迅公園所見
  依舊秋風催物老,又逢晚照晴來。向西沉醉展紅腮。殘荷知失色,寥落小池台。
  寥落何妨耆耄鬧,踏歌起舞情懷。散時還剩月徘徊。明朝將演戲,一夜供君猜。


臨江仙-戀愛三周年
  一束玫瑰君已笑,葡萄美酒纏綿。何妨居室陋難全,但能相把盞,前事話無眠。
  執手當時身已抖,初嘗負擔沉肩。荷來魂魄種情田,此生澆一果,今夕已三年。


【詩部】


五律-聼蟬
  閒步翠園中,聽蟬唱古風。初聞高且遠,眾和壯而雄。舉目參差是,此情今古同。問君誰似我,柳綠與荷紅。


五律-過魯迅紀念館有感
  淒風共堠煙,呐罷復徘旋。血薦軒轅病,匕投蟲豸闐。昏閭多不幸,長夜慣無言。忍看寒星落,依稀近百年。


七絕-夜有雨兩章
  其一 風吟雨唱暫無涯,驚看瀟瀟洗萬家。殞骨紅檐騰霧處,燈前搖曳一蓮花。
  其二 四顧蒼茫皆雨傾,君何惆悵路難行。聽窗一夜錚錚曲,早勝平雷三兩聲。


七絕
  别离君已惯独斟,劝我无须频送音。人道寻常浅浅意,中间多少女儿心。

郑学谦 发表于 2008-02-23 14:20 分类:诗词 | 送小红花 推荐指数:0 | 浏览:2076 | 评论: 2
贺新郎•命题练笔6——作品点评全集,风雪整理
2007-9-11 星期二(Tuesday) 晴
本期慢词练笔,由乐游在Q群中倡议,拟莺啼序和贺新郎二选一,风雪考虑莺啼序字数过大,暂不适合开展练笔活动,故本期以贺新郎为练笔词牌。
练笔为期20天,期间共收录作品34个,慢词若此,诚不易也,尤以阅微、心晴、学谦、乐游最为积极,均有4~5个作品奉献,赞。
练笔后期,风雪委托乐游整理选集编辑工作,乐游置顶公投,引出学谦、阅微发贴点评,乐游、风雪感于此,亦仿效;此外,置顶贴中先后有子萌、天涯跟贴贴上推荐语。风雪为方便大家阅读,加之之前未整理完整的全集版,故有心将所有点评、荐语综合一起,以飨诗友~
因本贴只作全集整理,与选集工作无关,虽置顶贴中尚有他人推荐作品,但无点评,注明未录。

1、心晴:贺新郎 • 夏暮逢雨
夏暮时来雨。好江南、新苔裁苑,碧烟笼絮。独觅溪边无人约,携酒移亭小伫。却难以、从容唱曲。感概这桑田沧海,笑我把、那荷花辜负。便有语,向谁诉?
曾还识得栏前树。算逢秋、最多无奈,少年心苦。长雁声声深深断,别样幽情千许。君不见、清风白露。三两枝头花憔也,忍带愁、渐渐黄昏后。贪了醉,怎归去!
【学谦评】满目独自感慨,粗读间觉惊心,然细品时,其感慨者又混沌难辨,盖作者亦未理清心绪故。
此篇题为“夏暮逢雨”,而通篇与“雨”相干者甚少,谓之失题。就章法而言,上片闲笔写闲景,却一转而惆怅,可取。下片感慨多有凌乱处:闲闲拓开来写,而不承上作文,亦非不可取,只是作者笔力稍逊,难以达意,故不可取。另“笑我把那荷花辜负”句,断句有误,“却难以、从容唱曲”句,“曲”字落韵。
故曰,此篇立意明而未达,文章脉络隐约难辨,有可取处,亦有不可取处,全在笔力不及也,不作推荐。
【阅微评论】好字弱。独觅句,如果作者是女子,好理解,如果是男子,是否是想说没有约到想约的人?笑我句断句读法有误,再就是为什么把荷花辜负?不解!下片换头可,长雁声声深深断,这样的四字句式,要么出彩,要么不妥,而这里未出彩。下结情真。开头的雨是全词的败笔,开头写夏暮时来雨,而后面似乎跟雨没什么关联。全词章法上平稳,感觉到了,也真挚,但有点散,没有就一线铺垫而来,间有可斟酌处,故不作推荐。
【乐游简评】章法俨然。
上片:1句总起,交待时序。2句递进,交待地点,点染环境。3句人物出现,表现行为。4句以后,则描摹人物之情感心绪,“感概这桑田沧海,笑我把那荷花辜负”虽有曲味,仍颇有牡丹亭之意韵。“便有语,向谁诉”则欲吐还吞,欲诉还休,幽怨略兼愤懑,刻画矛盾心情简练而细腻。上片便如一出折子戏,场景人物情节一一逐步出现,由表及里,符合人的认知习惯。
下片:忆旧起,由树、秋、雁、风、露、花、黄昏等意象娓娓调动别样幽情,是离情?是别绪?是思春?是怀旧?似乎明确,却又朦胧,深得要渺宜修之意味。至下结“贪了醉,怎归去”则回归主题,首尾相合,亦留下无限想象空间。整首景情铺陈合理得当,谋篇布局井然有序,慢词达到这样的水平,应属难得。这首推一个。
不足处:1、题目中“逢雨”二字扣的不严,尤其下片,下结如作“携雨去”“雨遮路”之类或略纠之;2、“后”落韵;3、词句还有可斟酌处如“笑我把那”“曾还”“花憔也”等。
【疯言谑语】按钦谱古声,数处出律,间有落韵;曲字入声,不能与上去通押;后字多音,虽可读“戸(hù)”,然义亦同户(如《蔡邕•胡黄二公颂》:“允兹汉室,诞育二后。曰胡曰黄,方轨齐武”),而按句中字义,后字当判落韵。
此手苦情之作,前段眼前夏景,基本扣题发挥,还算稳妥;后段回忆秋情,似想展开而来,却嫌三步并作一步跳,过了。上片三个层次,前三句描景,江南暮雨,可谓切题。中二句觅情,依前展开,是承上启下之笔,不错,然雨中携酒移亭小伫,或见臆想而失之其真,属发挥过头?后五句,因情景而生感慨,“难以从容”视之,此承转本好,可惜后面的文字略嫌不继,关键是桑田沧海有些泛泛;荷花本是夏物,而言辜负,当是指代往日恋人,至此于情之感阔然可觉了。结二句,顿生无奈意,尚可。下片基本以忆为主,可惜笔墨用的忒多,于题甚是不切,这种作法风雪亦不敢苟同,虽思绪承上结而来,大体用些许笔墨带过即可,至君不见句就应当把秋思转换,就不至于离题远了?此外,长雁句意思不错,虽此句例作连平拗,但作者的用字读来十分的绕口:)
整体而言,上片还算成功,下片的是败笔,句子和用字亦多可斟酌处~
【子萌荐语】全词自然流翠,脉络清析,情景融合恰当,感情细腻深沉,独有韵味。
开篇点题,夏日傍晚来了一场雨,清新气息朴面而来。紧接,淡描雨中景物,一句好江南,便拓开读者视野,略加景物点缀而不繁冗拖沓。此时恰到好处,作者笔风一转,写到了人物,他独自行走在溪边遇雨,即而点明了题目中的逢字,无人约三字便注入了情感,奠定了全文深沉激调。顺下来便是作者的感慨,而没有让人感到突兀。可谓脉络清析,布文有章。下阕,曾还记三字领起下文,又顺了上阕从眼前转到过去,衔接无缝。紧接把目前又投到眼前,算逢秋、最多无奈,少年心苦。读罢令人心神触动。偏偏此时长雁鸣空而去,形声顿匿,落下自己孑孑身影,又怎么不让人暗然神伤,徒自萧索。投目间尚有清风白露,坠花滴泪,愁容可掬。然而这时神魂俱失,不知所恋何物何情,还是沉静苦思。夜晚将至时,却把情感推到了高潮。一个后字,余味不息。

2、沧海:金缕曲 • 画罢佳人
画罢佳人后。这心思、藏藏掩掩,怕人猜透。总恨身如浮萍久,不恨真心不够。柔情苦、何曾衰朽?对面忽然无只语,冷冰冰、任我心消瘦。尴尬处,频低首!
流年太快人奔走。过红尘、呵雨惜风,欲执君手。地裂天崩何所惧,用我双肩去斗!云彩色,为君轻绣。美眷如花花外月,叹今人、只顾曾经有。梁祝曲,记得否?
【学谦评】因事起兴,围绕相思心意来作文,娓娓道来苦于情、恨别离、有所思与感慨世情善变。
上片以事起,逆推心思,继而阐发,情真自然。而“柔情苦、何曾衰朽”句,转折稍硬,使“对面忽然无只语”句忽觉突兀。虽结句细腻真实,却难以承上,一环失扣,满篇皆散。下片承上而生感慨,却又一转,道出有所思,继而阐释,而结句又一转,或有些突兀。全词所要表达感情过于丰富,而安排略有失当处,因此也有不连贯之处。然好在作者用笔平实,所写之事,所抒之情真实,故而全词虽有滞而不呆,虽急转而意能达。
故曰,此篇真情细腻处可取,而全篇略不可取,虽有“美眷如花花外月,叹今人、只顾曾经有。梁祝曲,记得否”之佳意,却嫌有浪费之感,故不作推荐。
【阅微评论】总恨句和上片转得过快,不恨句随手。下结具感染力,全词立意明而达意有点散乱,故不作推荐。
【乐游简评】上佳下平。
上片:起句奇佳,便如刀破新橙,虽觉突兀,而香气漫溢。2句心理直描,非常形象。后句“总恨”“不恨”,回环徘徊,亦真亦假,效果不错。“衰朽”二字生硬了。“对面”句嫌浅而直白,果是“心消瘦”是一个缓慢的历程,似乎用“心凉透”更合逻辑。上结6字还可。
下片:换头觉转的快了些。“过红尘”句可,表达欲望。“地裂”句则嫌嚎放了。“美眷”至下结,忽然转为警示世人,离题远了些,如是寓己亦难通。
不足处:长调难为,后片应少琢磨,力有不逮。
【疯言谑语】按钦谱新声,偶有出律。
此手因情生感之作,前段小楼心事作彷徨状,后段激扬思绪于缠绵间。上片分二层,前五句是凝情语,起的简单明了,此“想一个女孩画下她”也,画完之后,尚且掩藏心思,见单思之苦;总恨二句意思不错的,只是来的有些匆忙,问题当是浮萍一说出现过早。后五句是幻思语,柔情句过度本无不可,只是衰朽一说用于此,启下尚可承上却见繁复了;对面二句值得把玩,是对着画像而产生错觉、抑或现实中的场面在眼前重来一次?上结弱了,或曰有些随大流的说,但尴尬一词用的颇切。下片单思情结犹盛,层次也单一,或有突兀让人费解处。换头句有些急,衬托的效果没出来,反而给人断了的感觉。地裂二句颇见男儿性情和责任感,所作所为皆为她而已,未知佳人知道不?美眷二句突发感慨,渐见抛锚之兆,至梁祝典更是经不起推敲的说?
整体而言,意思到了,上片比较成功,下片还需打磨,全篇起伏不够,用典不是很成功,口语话的用词也让人读来少了许多味道。。。

3、蓝烟:贺新郎 • 山中记事(按唐宋谱)
相约何时好?待秋来,云横天际,叶黄山道。换得紫衣林中去,不忘蛾眉轻扫。临涧水、裙裾堪照。为寻唧唧鸣蛩处,却闻香、不识无名草。摘几片,指间绕。
纵然小曲不成调,到廊桥,也该高唱,伴君长啸。座上方为农家客,便晓红枫醉倒,原是那、新醅功效。嫁与青山何须劝,更不劳、司马瑶琴挑。言及此,众皆笑。
【学谦评】山中记事,娓娓道来,如临其境。
全篇写山中之事,以问起,继而说明缘由,缓缓托出山中之事,尽显其间闲情。两下结尤为细致,只是下片起“纵然小曲不成调,到廊桥,也该高唱,伴君长啸”两句,有些不知所谓,全篇上未见伏笔,下未有解释,颇为突兀。
故曰,此篇有情而少于深意,所记之事有味却易忘,有应制之嫌,只推半手。
【阅微评论】首句发问,继而作答。上片描述,细腻入微,大佳之境,情景交融。摘几片,指间绕。小女子情态,呼之若出。下片情趣盎然。所谓立意,其实不需要非得是高或者深,几许趣味,够了,当推。
【乐游简评】浮华尽去。
上片:起2句疑问一答,兴致盎然。“不忘蛾眉轻扫”表现了主人公虽豪爽但仍爱美的天性。后几句描写山中乐事,一水一蛩一香草,一摘一绕,几许随意,几许动人。
下片:转换写事。廊桥又称屋桥、风雨桥,是在桥面上盖建廊屋而形成的特殊桥梁,有木拱、平梁、石拱之分,这里代指招待客人的农家。主人殷勤好客,客人亦无拘束,“嫁与青山”何其洒脱,“不劳司马瑶琴挑”更是风趣。至“言及此,众皆笑”嘎然而止,似结而未结,谈笑风生、欢快热烈之场面绕梁不绝。整首富有趣味,而又平实素淡,浮华尽去。这首推一个。
不足处:细处还可推敲,如“为寻唧唧鸣蛩处”应属闲笔,“便晓红枫”存疑,“众皆笑”之众字略嫌突兀等。
【疯言谑语】按唐宋词谱古声,合。
此手情景之作,前段观景,后段说事,似另有寄托,只是借山事写出。上片娓娓道来,情景俱谐,见一气呵成状!起句一问,秋来二句作答,自然而不呆滞,此手法历为蓝烟所擅;换得句承的简洁明快,蛾眉、涧水二句,落笔细致亦见生活情趣,见用笔入微也;为寻句笔锋一转,闻香不识留下居多余味,至结指间绕草叶几片,收的妥当,也极具形色。相对而言,下片问题诸多,所述三个层次,前三句一层,中三句一层,后四句一层,虽单看皆意思完整,然各层之间的承接不是很好,给人割裂的感觉;换头句颇见突兀,口语化的用词于全篇也甚不谐;高唱一词也欠考虑,无来由的坏了上片的清浅味道。座上三句,软如可有可无,是为随手闲笔,却损全篇意。及后,青山句化用前人句子、不劳句反用绿绮典,谓有巧思,但前文铺垫不足,不劳者未见来由,反觉此典于此甚是奢侈;至结,看是众人笑,实见作者苦,这二句最值品玩。
整体而言,上片流畅,下片差可;蛾眉轻扫、临水照影、指间绕草等几处细节描写颇为夺目,下结二句字平意不平,若论本次练笔,或可荐之前十~
【天涯荐语】本次《贺新郎》练笔,我推此首为第一。其描摹情状也惟妙惟肖,其情致清浅而蕴藉深秀。更一番活脱脱的天真爽朗似要透纸飞出。

4、鱼儿:金缕曲 • 夜来谁诉相思苦
难忘西湖旅。好春光,燕儿双宿,蝶儿成侣。沿岸桃花花含笑,湖上兰舟荡橹。情意切、相歌尔汝。一望如茵芳草地,任幽怀、驰骋鸳鸯浦。烟水阔,润心腑。
夜来谁诉相思苦。小庭阶、吟蛩声咽,倍增凄楚。残月当楼添绮怨,却自难描离绪。睁泪眼、凭栏凝佇。纵有暮鸿勤递意,路迢迢、音讯云涯阻。姑射影,梦中睹。
【学谦评】以西湖旅衬相思苦,是追忆,亦是所愿。
上片追忆,句句闲情逸趣,好个鸳鸯仙侣。下片感慨,却又字字凄苦,备显相思意。然而上下之间,或觉转折跨度颇大,余谓之有断裂感。幸有思人一条脉络贯之,犹可知作者心意,未妨言情达意也。
故曰,此篇有情有意,却嫌对比之中略带些矫情,未能融为一体,憾事也,亦只推半手。
【阅微评论】上片忆中之景,下片所感,章法和化句老到,见功底。但有倍增凄楚、难描离绪等意重之处,感觉上也略熟溜,可推。
【乐游简评】上下相割。
作者本意,采用上下对比的形式,以上片之欢快,反衬下片之凄苦;然相互关联不紧密,换头突兀,因而不尽成功。“桃花花含笑”第二个花字多余,“兰舟荡橹”也费墨。
整首亦有可取处,如“却自难描离绪”句,自有新意。
【疯言谑语】按钦谱古声,合。
此手思情之作,前段忆旧,后段述情,章法规矩。上片描旧时景物,有所见、有所历、有所感;起句不错,表意清晰,接着五句,呼应起句,铺陈得当,春光二句,道所见,燕蝶或见语复,当属作者有意为之,以起到铺垫衬托效也;桃花三句,道作者所历之情景,皆为通畅。后四句情景交融,芳草地历为情侣小憩之处,以鸳鸯浦来对应,微觉语复,而幽怀驰骋一说,未觉其谐;然皆二句,甚佳。下片因忆生感,与上片起到对比衬托的效果,但笔法颇不如上片,综合前面几个作品,印证了慢词难于下片展开一说。换头句自然,倍增句过于浅露,浪费了吟蛰句的味道;此外,用了小庭阶,最好不要凭栏了,毕竟以俺们现在的居住条件,结合词中作者此时的所在,有些失真。后四句,甚好,见落寞情思。
整体而言,上片顺畅,下片略欠;起几句以景铺陈效果不错,上下二结均见出彩,若论本次练笔,或可荐之前十~

5、风雪:贺新郎 • 午夜梦回吟客情
茅舍风光好。态天然、花溪浣影,向谁称道?瓜李青青凝眸处,幽径曾缘我扫。月依旧、柴门空照。去后吊兰清梦远,竞纷纷、疑是羲之草。者一恍,乡情绕。
飘零叶有千年调。记依稀、引愁相对,半山余啸。唯拟尊前寻常谴,不与刘郎潦倒。竟未觉、无端仿效。吟得檀心三二句,且由他、屑小炎凉挑。若笑我,也同笑。
【学谦评】以梦起,道出乡愁,继又生出些许客居感慨,读者亦生感慨。
上片描梦中景,其实是心中愿景,求之不得,便是乡愁。而下片由乡愁拓开来写客情,过渡自然流畅,所述者亦流畅。末又一转,表明态度,自然是好章法。然而于全词而言,却觉衔接有些散,多有难解之处,未敢于词句细论优劣。
故曰,此篇立意,章法俱佳,只是于达意犹有可酌处,若自推,也同推~。
【阅微评论】向谁称道有点凑的感觉,上片乡愁情结,娓娓道来,深入人心。到下结者一恍,乡情绕时,原来前面所写的都是心中所想的,都是乡愁难解。下片转头好,回到现实,一路看去,具是羁旅忧心,到下结,若笑我,也同笑,后面的一个笑字,傻笑?反笑?自嘲之笑?个中滋味,不必言明。全词感情真挚入微,拟推。
【乐游简评】乡思零乱。
当是思乡之作。上片茅舍、花溪、瓜李、幽径、柴门、兰草,乃远方故乡之情景,既在天边,亦在心里;“乡情绕”点题。
下片:飘零千载,愁对尊前,虽不欲醉而已醉。“吟得”句难显襟怀,窃以为未佳,也难通。下结“若笑我,也同笑”失之直白。
这首整体较平,意象有些零乱,少出彩处。几处存疑:1、“瓜李”自有典,用此处可行乎?2、“叶有千年调”有典吗?3、“炎凉挑”生硬了。

6、风雪:金缕曲 • 步韵沧海(新韵)~
午夜人归后。对杯中、清凉糖水,却心伤透。情事由来多磨难,于子如何能够?浑无解、相思不朽。素笔清新萦妩媚,竟沉迷、勾勒肥和瘦。真如许,堪白首。
水流低处人高走。别康桥、浮云过眼,轻轻挥手。一去红尘八千里,翻了几多跟斗?独不蹙、前程锦绣。留住美人江山在,爱江山、二者皆能有。金缕曲,忘得否?
【学谦评】初读已觉流畅,再读又难解其中之意,而至三读,方知是刺今世虚情假爱之意。
上片沉郁起,进而阐发感悟。下片拓开,似是另起一端,实是承上感悟而讽刺语也。“对杯中、清凉糖水,却心伤透”甚是沉郁佳句,而“情事由来多磨难,于子如何能够”句后,有些难解。下片一气呵成,冷眼刻出世态炎凉之情,却又作“金缕曲,忘得否”一问,既刺既愤。
故曰,此篇意味深长,虽有些晦涩,仍是佳作,甚对我口味,当推一手。
【阅微评论】午夜人归后。对杯中、清凉糖水,却心伤透。情景都渲染得非常细腻到位。接上句的气氛烘托,情事句也就自然顺畅了,于子句没说透。浑无解句可斟酌,上结还可。下片顺畅,初读下结时,不解跟前面的铺垫有何关联,细想一下,原来是肯定句,肯定是忘不了,而这个忘不了,也是辛辣的讽刺,如今的男女关系,越来越难懂了,功利,虚假,至于爱情有什么纯洁可言,已经不重要了。整体上,立意诚是佳作,但用字略涩,故只推半首以示可惜。
【乐游简评】劝慰之作。
上片:“午夜人归后”总起,点出时间渲染意境。2句“对杯中、清凉糖水,却心伤透”承接展开,不错,“却心伤透”四字还可琢。“情事由来多磨难,于子如何能够?”阐发议论亦是正法,只是“能够”什么?勘破?圆满?缺少宾语。“浑无解、相思不朽”,我不知道相思不朽?意思难通;且“相思不朽”也觉俗了,不若作“痴心未朽”?“笔清新萦妩媚,竟沉迷、勾勒肥和瘦。真如许,堪白首”这几句意义朦胧,是放纵,是劝勉,不甚明了。
下片:“水流低处人高走。别康桥、浮云过眼,轻轻挥手”,意为不要沉湎于过往而难以自拔,要放得下。“一去红尘八千里,翻了几多跟斗”言世事多桀。“独不蹙、前程锦绣”有问题,应该是不蹙“前程坎坷”才通。“留住美人江山在,爱江山、二者皆能有”是美好想象,鱼和熊掌兼得,前面说了“别康桥”“挥手”,此处又“留住美人”,亦不通。结“金缕曲,忘得否”嫌敷衍。
上片还可,下片问题颇多,这首步第2首“画罢佳人后” 韵,痕迹颇觉穿凿:)

7、阅微:贺新郎 • 雨断江头
雨断江头暮。上高台、华灯光转,飞星无数。惟识行人青丝乱,识不得行人语。应有恨、木桥旧路。独自看来长短影,向幽幽、渐掩无端绪。人散后,听黄浦。
半生长向天涯旅。但凭酒、肝肠一副,谁能容与。怜只身良宵勾月,此际韶光耽误。待闲中、层云看取。且捏个随心如意,好唤来、载我归乡去。回首处,又风雨。
【学谦评】情甚真,意甚切,感而慨,慨而不伤。
上片由雨断起兴,看沪上华灯便生出孤独寂寞情绪,而情绪刻画尽在“识不得”、“独自看”、“向幽幽”、“听黄浦”等动作,自是十分细致。下片续说情绪,却未沉痛,只是突生一奇想,道出寂寞情绪本是乡愁,顿时全词层次分明,意味深长。若论缺憾,只是上片“应有恨、木桥旧路”有些衔接不上。
故曰,此篇情真意切,章法也颇为流转清晰,可推。
【乐游简评】乡思缱绻。
上片:“雨断江头暮”,开篇大气,一个“断”字气势十足,竟有唐味。“上高台、华灯光转,飞星无数”,点出作者视角,华
郑学谦 发表于 2007-09-11 10:36 分类:味韵 | 送小红花 推荐指数:0 | 浏览:2233 | 评论: 1
告各位朋友书
2007-7-13 星期五(Friday) 晴
我不喜欢受约束,喜欢独来独往,此刻再不想为文字而拘束自己的心情,我会继续研读诗词,但不会再有记录,我会继续翻译TE,但也不会有记录,我会继续思考下去,但仍旧不会有任何记录。其实我真的很不适合公开自己的心思,也注定我不适合写blog,不如从此荒芜下去吧...曾经关注我的朋友今后没有必要再来了,除非是追寻记忆;而我自己i也不会再来了,没有任何理由,目前的我突然想脱离一切......
郑学谦 发表于 2007-07-13 05:02 分类:未分类 | 送小红花 推荐指数:0 | 浏览:1281 | 评论: 1
经济学人:六月惊于斯
2007-6-23 星期六(Saturday) 晴
The Palestinians巴勒斯坦人
June amazed them六月惊于斯
Jun 21st 2007 | GAZA AND RAMALLAH
From The Economist print edition

From now on, the Palestinians are not themselves
从今起,巴勒斯坦人不再是他们自己

学谦 译

声明:本文英文版权归经济学人集团所有,本人翻译完全是出于学习交流的非商业目的。译文版权归本人所有,任何人未经允许,不得转载。

 AFP


IT IS a sullen parade of short, bitter stanzas, equal parts sadness, bewilderment, shame and rage. In a poem that Palestinians have been posting on blogs, circulating by e-mail and handing out in offices, Mahmoud Darwish, their unofficial poet laureate, lashes out at the internecine fighting that culminated, during one blood-soaked week, in what some fear could be a fatal schism in their putative state. Gaza, where the Islamists of Hamas now hold sway, and the West Bank, where secular Fatah retains control, have been driven asunder almost exactly 40 years after Israel occupied them. Mr Darwish laments:
June amazed us on its fortieth anniversary: if we do not find someone to defeat us again, we defeat ourselves with our own hands so as not to forget!
这是一场短暂而惨淡的经历,惨痛的纷争,双方同样感到悲伤、迷茫、羞愧和愤怒。这句出自巴勒斯坦民间桂冠诗人达维什(Mahmoud Darwish)诗中的话,表达了一些人对预见到不可避免的分裂的担心,也是达维什对经历了一周血流成河,最后血腥到极点的内斗的猛烈抨击,这段话已被巴勒斯坦人发布到博客上,通过电子邮件和散发到各个办公室而广为流传。加沙地带,目前被哈马斯(Hamas)的伊斯兰主义者所掌控;而约旦河西岸,世俗的法塔赫(Fatah)仍维持着对那里的控制。在被以色列占领之后,已经被迫分裂了将近整整四十年。因此达维什先生哀叹道:
这样的四十周年纪念让六月也惊叹我们:如果找不到谁再次击败我们的话,我们用自己的手打败自己,以免忘记!

Many see an opportunity in the debacle. Fatah thinks it could recover from its defeat at Hamas's hands in elections 18 months ago. America and Israel, as well as some Arab leaders, see a chance to isolate Hamas, which refuses to contemplate a permanent peace with Israel. Foreign donors, who spent vast sums on handouts for ordinary Palestinians while boycotting the Palestinian Authority (PA) itself, can go back to giving the PA less costly but more productive development and budget aid, now that Fatah's Mahmoud Abbas, the Palestinian president, has dismissed the Hamas-led government and appointed a largely technocratic cabinet.
有很多人从崩溃中发现了机会。如法塔赫认为可以借此从18月前被哈马斯击败的选举中恢复过来。又如美国和以色列,还包括一些阿拉伯领导人,则认为这是孤立拒绝给以色列提供永久和平哈马斯的一个良机。而在现在巴勒斯坦主席,法塔赫的阿巴斯(Mahmoud Abba)就解散了哈马斯领导的自治政府,并且重新任命了一个庞大的技术性内阁之后,那些在花巨资援助普通巴勒斯坦人的同时,又联合制裁巴勒斯坦权力机构的外国捐款人,又能像以前一样提供给巴权力机构更不值钱,但更富成效的改进计划和援助预算。

But a lot of Palestinians wonder if this is the death-knell of their dream of statehood. The foreigners' optimistic scenario—that Hamas will cave in and give up control of Gaza—is far from guaranteed. Permanent separation between a chaotic, violent Gaza Strip and a more prosperous West Bank seems a real possibility. The title of Mr Darwish's poem sounds an almost biblical warning: “From now on you are not yourself!”
然而,还有很多巴勒斯坦人怀疑这是不就是他们建国梦的丧钟。哈马斯将会瓦解并放弃对加沙的控制,这只是外国人难以实现的乐观估计。而巴勒斯坦将长期分裂成混乱、暴力的加沙地带和相对繁荣的西岸似乎更为现实。如是达维什的诗题就发出了几乎圣经般的告诫声:“从今起,你不再是你!”

Hamas's takeover surprised everyone, but it was the outcome of a contest stretching back to Hamas's foundation in 1987, from a Palestinian offshoot of Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood. When Fatah's Yasser Arafat signed the 1993 Oslo peace deal with Israel, Hamas called him a sell-out; then, as the PA under his rule grew corrupt and ineffectual, Hamas filled the gaps with social programmes and held up its mani pulite to Arafat's graft. It also pioneered terrorist tactics that Fatah later copied.
哈马斯的上台让每个人都吃惊,但追溯到1987年哈马斯从埃及穆斯林兄弟会(Muslim Brotherhood)的一个巴勒斯坦分支机构中成立,这只是其不断争取扩张的结果。当法塔赫的阿拉法特(Yasser Arafat)于1993年与以色列签订了奥斯陆和平协定后,哈马斯便成其为叛徒;之后,随着在阿拉法特领导下的巴勒斯坦权力机构日益腐败和无能,哈马斯的社会方案填补了这些空白,而且对于法塔赫的贪腐而言,哈马斯一直展示着其清廉形象。哈马斯还率先采用了法塔赫随后复制过去的恐怖主义战术。

In sporadic attempts to keep his promises on security to Israel during the 1990s, Arafat ordered vicious crackdowns on Hamas. That left it with a long-standing hatred of Muhammad Dahlan, Arafat's enforcer in Gaza, whose men arrested thousands of Hamas militants and tortured and killed several.
自上世纪90年代起,阿拉法特为了信守给以色列的安全承诺也偶尔有所作为,他发动过对哈马斯恶意的镇压。结果使其在加沙的执行者德哈兰(Muhammad Dahlan)留下了长久的骂名,当年德哈兰逮捕了数千名哈马斯成员,被迫害、杀害的人不在少数。

The stranger and I against my cousin
陌生人和我与我表兄为敌
Not until last year did the Islamists feel ready to challenge Fatah in parliamentary elections. It meant, after all, tacitly accepting the Oslo accords, which had created the PA. But Fatah was by then in such a mess that it could not even unify its lists of candidates. Using its network of cells as a grassroots campaign organisation, Hamas won nearly twice as many seats as Fatah (though a small majority of votes).
直到去年,哈马斯也并没有认为已做好在议会选举中与法塔赫竞争的准备。毕竟这意味着他们默许了由巴勒斯坦权力机构签订的奥斯陆协定。但那时的法塔赫是一团散沙,他们甚至都不能统一候选人的提名。哈马斯利用他们草根竞选组织的基层网络,最终赢得了比法塔赫多近一倍的席位(虽然投票结果只获得了少数多数)。

Fatah, however, never fully relinquished control. On the eve of the new parliament's swearing-in, Mr Abbas brought some of the PA's dozen-odd security forces under his own command by decree. Other forces, notionally under the new Hamas government's orders, stayed largely loyal to their Fatah commanders.
不过法塔赫从未交出全部的控制权。就在新议会宣誓就职的前夕,阿巴斯颁令带走了巴权力机构十几支安全部队中的一部分,以受命于他。而剩下的部队,虽然名义上归属新的哈马斯政府,但仍对法塔赫的指挥官留有很大的忠诚。

Its power curtailed, Hamas created its own force in Gaza. America, which before Hamas's election had been helping reform the PA forces as a whole, switched to beefing up Mr Abbas's presidential guard. Hamas-Fatah clashes, exacerbated by feuds between Gaza's powerful clans, grew more frequent. Attacks by militants on Gaza's border crossings prompted frequent closures of these trade lifelines by Israel, tightening the economic chokehold imposed by the West's embargo of the PA. When the militants raided Israel and kidnapped a soldier, Israel launched an offensive that killed some 400 Gazans.
由于权力被削减,哈马斯在加沙建立起了自己的武装。而在哈马斯赢得选举之前,美国就曾帮忙把巴权力机构武装改良成为一个整体,换装以升级阿巴斯的主席卫队。加沙地带权力氏族间的长期不合,使得哈马斯与法塔赫之间的冲突更加恶化,变得越来越频繁。激进分子在加沙边境口岸的袭击,促使以色列频繁的关闭这些贸易生命线,并通过西方对巴权力机构的禁运,强行扼紧其经济命喉。而当这些激进分子袭击以色列并绑架了一名士兵后,以色列发动了一次进攻,致使400余名加沙人丧生。

After some arm-twisting from Saudi Arabia, Fatah and Hamas at last formed a unity government at a meeting in Mecca in February. But they could not agree on who would control the security forces. Mr Abbas made Mr Dahlan, Hamas's nemesis, secretary of a new national security council. The unity agreement began to unravel. Last month Fatah forces were suddenly deployed on the streets of Gaza; Hamas forces responded; the clashes killed 40 people before they subsided. When another spark lit the tinderbox this month, it was all over—though not before another hundred had died.
在沙特阿拉伯施加了某些强大压力后,法塔赫和哈马斯于今年2月最终在麦加的会议上组成了联合政府。但他们仍未就谁控制安全部队达成一致。而哈马斯的仇人——德哈兰被阿巴斯任命为新的民族安全理事会秘书。使得这份联合声明开始出现破裂。上月,法塔赫突然把部队部署到加沙的大街上,引起了哈马斯武装的回应,在冲突中有40人丧生。当本月另一火花引燃了这个火药箱,一切都结束了——虽然不久前另有百来人死亡。

Why did Hamas go for broke this time? And why was its victory so quick and total? Mouin Rabbani, a Jordan-based analyst with the International Crisis Group, a lobby in Brussels, thinks the combination of economic boycott, domestic discontent, criticism from radical groups abroad, the growing threat from Fatah and splits within Hamas itself meant that people who used to think time was on their side began to think it was working against them.
为什么这次哈马斯要孤注一掷?为什么他们的胜利如此迅速而彻底?总部在布鲁塞尔的国际危机组织(International Crisis Group)驻约旦的研究员拉巴尼(Mouin Rabbani)认为,经济上的联合制裁,国内的不满,来自激进组织批评的转播,以及来自法塔赫的威胁和哈马斯内部的分裂,意味着曾经认为机会属于他们的那些人,开始觉得时局已经于他们不利了。

Fatah, meanwhile, seemed unprepared. Some of its top people in Gaza were away, Mr Dahlan among them. Mr Abbas, sitting in the West Bank, did not declare a state of emergency until Hamas militants were ransacking his Gaza home. Mid-l
郑学谦 发表于 2007-06-23 20:32 分类:外刊 | 送小红花 推荐指数:0 | 浏览:1860 | 评论: 0
经济学人:阋墙
2007-6-23 星期六(Saturday) 晴
The Palestinians
War between brothers阋墙
Jun 17th 2007 | RAMALLAH
From The Economist print edition

The Palestinians' two main groups are on the verge of a struggle that could split the two parts of a putative Palestinian state in half

学谦 译

声明:本文英文版权归经济学人集团所有,本人翻译完全是出于学习交流的非商业目的。译文版权归本人所有,任何人未经允许,不得转载。

                                                                                  AP


BY THE end of this week, the Islamists of Hamas will have either destroyed the secular-minded Fatah in the Gaza Strip or shown that they can. The relative quiet after a deadly burst of violence between the rival Palestinian parties in May was broken by a series of tit-for-tat killings that quickly got out of hand. After troops from the presidential guard of Fatah's Mahmoud Abbas, the Palestinian president, rocketed the house of Hamas's Ismail Haniyeh, the prime minister, the Islamist party launched a full-scale attack. As The Economist went to press, Hamas troops had taken control of most of the Gaza Strip and had chased Fatah forces out of their bases, while several top Fatah commanders had either fled Gaza or had been killed.
今年五月,在相互敌视的巴勒斯坦派别哈马斯和法塔赫之间发生了严重的暴力冲突,从而引发了一系列针锋相对的流血事件,导致局势迅速失控。在此之后虽然有一段相对平静的时期,但到本周末,哈马斯的激进分子就算没能摧毁加沙地带世俗的法塔赫组织,也会尽其所能,耀武扬威。在巴勒斯坦自治政府主席阿巴斯(Mahmoud Abbas)的安全部队向总理哈尼亚(Ismail Haniyeh)的府邸发射火箭弹之后,哈马斯也发动了全面进攻。就在《经济学人》出版之时,哈马斯武装已经控制了大部分加沙地带,并将法塔赫武装人员赶出了他们的据点。而在此期间,数名法塔赫高级领导人不是遇害,就是已逃离了加沙。

Fatah arrested Hamas men in the West Bank and suspended its participation in the Palestinian Authority (PA) coalition government, which the two parties formed in March in an attempt to stop such fighting, and threatened to pull out altogether. But Fatah has little to bargain with. Hamas has already shown that its fighters, though less numerous, are better armed, trained and disciplined. In contrast, Fatah field commanders have been complaining loudly about their lack of equipment and leadership. Several of Fatah's top people in Gaza have been out of the strip for weeks.
作为报复,法塔赫在约旦河西岸抓捕哈马斯成员,解除与哈马斯在巴勒斯坦权力机构(联合政府)中的关系,并威胁要退出联合政府。所谓联合政府,就是今年三月由这两个派别成立的,其目的就是要努力停止此类争斗。不过法塔赫讨价还价的本钱不多。因为哈马斯已经展示了他们的战斗力,虽然人数不多,但武器更精良,训练更有素,纪律更严明。与此相反,法塔赫的作战将领们对他们匮乏的装备,缺失的领导力抱怨不已。几周以来,不少在加沙地带的法塔赫高层都已逃离了该地区。

The frustrated head of an Egyptian mediating team this week called on ordinary Gazans to take to the streets in protest against the violence, which has included kneecappings, summary executions and throwing handcuffed captives off tall buildings. Some protesters did sally out; one was shot dead.
本周,未能斡旋成功的埃及调停代表团团长号召普通的加沙人走上街头,抗议暴力,这些人中包括那些膝盖被激进分子击残的,被草率判决的和戴上手铐拖出高楼的人士。有些抗议者群情激奋,其中一名被射杀。

They seem powerless in the face of a conflict that has been building since Hamas ousted Fatah from the PA in last year's election. From the start, Fatah tried to prevent Hamas from getting full control of the PA security services, which are a cornerstone of political power and a job scheme for unemployed militants, and which had become bloated with Fatah loyalists during the secular party's long and corrupt rule. Hamas countered by adding a tough, disciplined “Executive Force” of its own loyalists to the PA roster in Gaza, where it is much stronger than in the West Bank.
自从哈马斯通过去年的选举将法塔赫从巴勒斯坦权力机构中逐出后,冲突就愈演愈烈,而面对冲突,他们都似乎无能为力。从一开始起,法塔赫就试图阻止哈马斯获得巴勒斯坦权力机构安全事务的全部控制力。对安全事务的控制力,是政治力量的基石,是一项对失业好战分子要做的工作日程,还使得法塔赫忠实的信徒们,在这个世俗派别长期而腐败的统治过程中变得自我膨胀。哈马斯通过召集好战分子,训练加沙地带巴勒斯坦权力机构中忠实信徒的“执行力”,与法塔赫抗衡。加沙地带哈马斯的势力要比西岸的强大得多。

Fatah then won backing from the United States to turn the presidential guard into an elite force to counter that of Hamas. Under the guise of strengthening Mr Abbas as a moderate (unlike Hamas, which still refuses to accept Israel's right to exist as a Jewish state), America has provided $59m for training and supplying the presidential guard with non-lethal equipment, which Israel has let enter Gaza.
当时法塔赫在赢得美国的首肯之后,被允许组建一支精锐的主席卫队以对抗哈马斯。在支持温和派阿巴斯(不像哈马斯,至今仍然拒绝接受以色列有作为犹太国家存在的权利)的幌子下,美国提供了价值5900万美元的非致命装备以训练和装备主席卫队,而这批进入加沙的装备也获得了以色列的允许。

Israel has also let through at least one shipment of weapons from other Arab countries. Fatah officials have asked for more, but to no avail. Recently the Americans have been pressing Mr Abbas to adopt a new “action plan” to beef up his office, clean up Fatah, and boost training for the security services under his control, all with a view to giving him enough clout to call new elections later in the year.
而且,以色列同样允许法塔赫从其他阿拉伯国家装运武器,至少可以有一次。尽管法塔赫当局希望得到更多,但对时局无补。最近美国人敦促阿巴斯接受新的“行动计划”,以改进他的组织,整顿法塔赫,并且在他的控制下增强安全部队的训练。所有这些都是为了给阿巴斯足够的影响力,以能在年内晚些时候召集新的选举。

Not surprisingly, Hamas sees Western support for Mr Abbas's troops, along with the now 15-month-old Western boycott of the PA, as part of a conspiracy to force it out of power. The official American line is that it is strengthening the presidential guard in order to “build law and order in Gaza” and to secure the border crossings where goods for the strip's 1.4m residents enter and leave. But occasionally the elite force has attacked Hamas positions, with notable success, and mid-level Fatah officials want more of that. “The only way Fatah can win, or at least get out with some self-esteem, is if the political leadership takes a decision to engage the presidential guards in this battle,” says Nasser Jumaa, a Fatah legislator from the West Bank town of Nablus.
随着西方对巴政府的联合制裁已长达15个月,哈马斯认为西方对阿巴斯武装支持,只是迫使其下台阴谋的一部分,这样想法并不足为奇。美国政府的方针是,加强总统嫡系的安全部队力量,以“建设加沙地带的法律和秩序”,并且保证边境口岸的安全,维系加沙地带140万居民生存的货物要通过这些口岸进进出出。然而,随着法塔赫精锐部队对哈马斯据点偶尔发动的攻击取得了显著的成功,法塔赫中层官员希望能有更多的这样进攻。“只有当局者决定把总统卫队投入这场战斗,才是法塔赫赢得胜利的唯一途径,或者至少也能挽回一点自尊”,来自西岸城镇纳布拉斯( Nablus)的法塔赫议员祖马(Nasser Jumaa)这么说道。

Within the Israeli establishment, opinion is split on whether to let in more weapons. But Gaza is already awash with arms smuggled in through tunnels under the Egypt-Gaza border; any meant for Fatah could easily end up in Hamas's hands. This week Ehud Olmert, Israel's prime minister, took up an earlier suggestion by his foreign minister, Tzipi Livni, for an international force to patrol the Egypt-Gaza border strip to prevent weapons-smuggling. Egypt has, up to now, said no.
就以色列当局内部而言,意见的分歧在于是否让法塔赫拥有更多的武器。但在埃及—加沙边界下地道的掩护下,武器走私早已在加沙泛滥成灾,任何提供给法塔赫的武器装备,都能轻易落入哈马斯囊中。本周以色列总理奥尔默特(Ehud Olmert)重申了一项早前由其外长利夫尼(Tzipi Livni)提出的建议,要求国际部队巡逻埃及—加沙边界,以阻止武器走私。但埃及方面,至今还是说“不”。

Messrs Abbas and Haniyeh are trying to pull things back from the brink and to negotiate. But some predict a total split between a “Hamastan” in Gaza and a West Bank ruled by Fatah. No Israeli leader—including Ehud Barak, the former prime minister, who this week won the Labour party's primary election and could return to power next year—will feel any pressure to talk peace with a Palestinian leadership so definitively divided.
阿巴斯和哈尼亚两位先生正努力将事态从内战边缘拉回谈判桌前。但不少人预测,在加沙的“哈马斯坦(Hamastan)”与西岸的法塔赫政权之间,有着不可弥合的分歧。在与意见如此不统一的巴勒斯坦领导人会谈和平时,没有一个以色列领导人会感到有任何压力,这也包括刚刚赢得工党初选,很有在来年重掌大权的前总理巴拉克(Ehud Barak)。
郑学谦 发表于 2007-06-23 20:26 分类:外刊 | 送小红花 推荐指数:0 | 浏览:945 | 评论: 0
经济学人:以色列巨变在即,而困境依然
2007-6-2 星期六(Saturday) 晴
Israel
It could all soon change—but stay miserably the same
巨变在即,而困境依然
May 31st 2007 | JERUSALEM
From The Economist print edition


The Labour party needs a leader, the coalition totters along and the opposition hopes to win a summer election
以色列工党需要一个领袖,联合政府遥遥欲坠,而反对党希望能赢得夏季大选

学谦 译

声明:本文英文版权归经济学人集团所有,本人翻译完全是出于学习交流的非商业目的。译文版权归本人所有,任何人未经允许,不得转载。

AFP


THE political calendar in Israel is making the chances of renewing peace talks in earnest between Israelis and Palestinians in the near future look even bleaker than before. If Israel's coalition government falls apart soon, as it might, the right-wing Likud party under Binyamin Netanyahu, who has yet to accept even the notion of a Palestinian state, could return to power after a general election. But if the government holds together for longer, the uncertainty over how long it can last will itself deter peace efforts, especially those involving such influential countries as the United States.
以色列近期的政治日程使得巴以重开和谈,认真对话的希望越来越渺茫。一方面,如果以色列目前的联合政府瓦解了,那么就会像预计的那样,右翼政党利库德集团将在内塔利亚胡的带领下,赢得大选重掌大权,虽然内塔利亚胡也接受巴勒斯坦国的理念。另一方面,就算联合政府能继续执政下去,但能维持多久的不确定性也将妨碍到各种和平努力,尤其是这些努力会牵涉到像美国这样有影响力的国家。

As things now stand, discord in the Palestinians' ill-matched unity government between the Islamists of Hamas and their secular rivals in Fatah means that they are incapable of bringing militants who send rockets and suicide bombers into Israel to heel. Israel, for its part, refuses to discuss the future or to rein in its own forces until they do. So serious talks are off the table. The Palestinian president, Mahmoud Abbas, who also heads Fatah, continues to hold dutiful meetings with Ehud Olmert, the Israeli prime minister, but they look like leading nowhere.
现在看来,由于哈马斯伊斯兰主义者与其法塔赫世俗对手的内斗不断,使得巴勒斯坦联合政府无力迫使向以色列发射火箭弹和放置路边炸弹的激进分子就范。而巴政府做不到这点,以方就拒绝与其展开和谈,或是约束自己的部队。因此迫在眉睫的会谈就这么中止了。为此,巴勒斯坦自治政府主席兼法塔赫主席阿巴斯顺应以色列总理奥尔默特的要求,连续与之开展了几次会议,但似乎毫无成效。

 The latest cause of Israeli uncertainty is that the Labour party, the junior partner to Mr Olmert's centrist Kadima in the ruling coalition, is choosing a new leader. Its current head, Amir Peretz, the embattled defence minister, is on the way out, having been defeated this week in the first round of his party's primary contest.
以色列最近的不确定事件是工党新领袖的选举,而工党是以奥尔默特为首中间派前进党执政联盟中的小伙伴。其现任党魁,四面楚歌的国防部长佩雷茨,已在本周党内第一轮基础选举中被淘汰出局。

He is a former trade unionist, while the two men who beat him and face a run-off on June 12th are from the more traditional military mould of Israeli leaders. Ehud Barak, who got 36% of the primary vote, is a former head of the armed forces; Ami Ayalon, who got 31%, is a former chief of the navy and of the Shin Bet, the domestic intelligence service. Mr Peretz, who got 22%, may now be the kingmaker; it is unclear for whom he will urge his disciples to vote in the second round.
佩雷茨是前工会会员,而击败他的两个对手将在6月12日展开对决,他们有着更多好战的传统以色列领导人气质。前国防部长巴拉克在第一轮投票中获得36%的选票,前海军司令、前辛贝特(国家安全总局)负责人阿亚龙也获得了31%的选票。而获得22%选票的佩雷茨,现在也许扮演着关键少数的角色。目前还不清楚在第二轮选举中,他将号召他的支持者投票给谁。

If Mr Ayalon wins, he says he will take Labour out of the coalition unless Mr Olmert resigns, thus provoking a general election. Mr Barak would be more likely to keep Labour on board. An opinion poll in early May, just after the damning initial report of a commission chaired by a judge, Eliyahu Winograd, that investigated last summer's botched war in Lebanon, gave both Labour and Kadima just 16 of parliament's 120 seats in a putative general election, while the Likud got 33. But another poll, which asked people to choose between the Likud's Mr Netanyahu and either Mr Ayalon or Mr Barak, put the former Shin Bet chief just a few points behind Mr Netanyahu, while Mr Barak trailed.
如果是阿亚龙获胜,他放言除非奥尔默特辞职,否则他将带领工党退出联合政府,因此将搅浑大选局势。而巴拉克则更愿意维持工党的现状。在去年夏天那场拙劣的对黎战争结束后,维诺格拉特委员会负责对此调查并给出结论。在委员会首次公布这份该死报告的初步结果之后,五月初的一份民调显示,工党和前进党都只将在大选中获得120个议席中的16个,而利库德集团将获得33个。不过另一份民调显示,在利库德的内塔利亚胡和阿亚龙或巴拉克之间选择的结果将是,阿亚龙紧随内塔利亚胡之后,而巴拉克也紧追不舍。

The Labour party, which is electing its sixth leader in as many years, is riven by infighting and is ideologically adrift. Israeli voters think its main platform—to achieve a two-state solution negotiated with the Palestinians—is increasingly irrelevant. Mr Peretz was elected leader 18 months ago, promising to promote a leftist social agenda as finance minister in coalition with Mr Olmert's party; instead, the prime minister bounced him into the defence ministry, where he wrecked his and the party's image by mismanaging the war.
这是工党的第六次党魁选举,而同以往一样,内部的勾心斗角和意识形态的摇摆使得工党并不团结。以色列选民认为他们越来越偏离他们的主要的纲领——与巴勒斯坦谈判并解决两国问题。18个月前,佩雷茨在当选为工党党魁时,就承诺以财长的身份在联合政府中推动左倾的社会议程。而事与愿违,在总理奥尔默特的逼迫下出任了国防部长,并在此任上发动了那场处置不当的战争,从而毁掉了自己和工党的形象。

The new leader, who will take the defence job if Labour stays in the coalition, will need to repair that damage. Mr Barak was prime minister from 1999 to 2001; Mr Ayalon's political experience consists of only 14 months as a Labour parliamentarian. Mr Barak is a hawk who does not think a peace deal with the Palestinians is currently possible; Mr Ayalon, a relative dove who, together with Sari Nusseibeh, a Palestinian intellectual, proposed a plan in 2002 that was not too different from an initiative the Arab League offered that same year and promoted again more recently. Mr Barak is widely considered arrogant, scheming and tough, Mr Ayalon open-minded, honest and a bit politically naïve.
如果工党还打算继续留在联合政府内,而且新党魁打算继续出任国防部长一直,就得修补这一形象损害。巴拉克倒是在1999年至2001年间担任过总理一职,而阿亚龙的政治经验只有担任工党议员的短短14月。作为鹰派人物的巴拉克,并不认为巴勒斯坦问题可以得到和平解决。而相对鸽派的阿亚龙,他和巴勒斯坦知识分子努赛贝在2002年提出了一个计划,这一计划与阿盟在同年提出,最近又重申的提议没有什么不同。巴拉克通常被认为自大、奸诈且顽固。而阿亚龙则更开明、正直而且有些政治天真。

Mr Barak's reputation still suffers from his perceived failures as prime minister, among them the collapse of the Camp David peace talks in 2000 that led to the second Palestinian intifada, and a hasty end to Israel's 18-year military occupation of south Lebanon. The pull-out from Lebanon was popular at the time but laid the ground for last year's war. He may bet on a good spell as defence minister in Mr Olmert's government to revive his chances—especially if he acquits himself well in a new war this summer that some are predicting, either against Palestinian militants in Gaza or against Lebanon or Syria.
巴拉克在2000年担任总理时,使戴维营和平谈判走向破裂,从而导致了巴勒斯坦人的第二次起义;此外他还仓促的结束了对黎巴嫩南部长达18年的军事占领。由于这些无法忽视的失败,他的声望至今还遭受着种种质疑。从黎巴嫩的撤军在当时备受欢迎,但也因此留下了去年对黎战争的隐患。他也许会把在奥尔默特的联合政府中出任国防部长当作一个很好的赌注,以重振其威名——尤其是,一些人预测今年夏季还会有一场新战争,不管是对付加沙巴勒斯坦的激进分子,还是对付黎巴嫩或叙利亚,只要他能在战争中表现突出,就能证明自己。

If Mr Ayalon wins the job, some think he would do the same and break his promise to pull out of a government led by Mr Olmert rather than risk losing a snap election to Mr Netanyahu that would throw Labour out into the cold. A Likud-Labour coalition is hard to envisage under those two men: on dealing with the Palestinians, the pair are too far apart.
而如果是阿亚龙赢得国防部长的话,有人认为他会和巴拉克一样的事情,他也不会信守自己会退出以奥尔默特为主导的联合政府的承诺,而不是冒着大选失利的风险去讨好内塔利亚,这样把工党逼向绝境。因为在这两人执掌下的利库德—工党联合是难以想象的:在处理巴勒斯坦问题上,他们的分歧太大了。

So there may not be an election until after Mr Winograd's final report this summer. And if Mr Olmert can weather that storm and a number of lurking corruption scandals, as he has managed to do quite successfully so far, there may be no election until next year. On paper, a general election need not take place until 2010.
因此,在今夏维诺格拉特委员会最终的报告结果出来之前,会不会大选还不一定。目前奥尔默特把贪腐丑闻处理的很好,如果他能够平安度过这阵风波,掩饰这一系列的贪腐丑闻,也许到明年之前都不会有大选。理论上,在2010年之前都不需要举行大选。

Either way, Israel may be in political limbo during a crucial period. The rest of this year is seen in the region as a last c
郑学谦 发表于 2007-06-02 17:30 分类:外刊 | 送小红花 推荐指数:0 | 浏览:929 | 评论: 0
经济学人专题报道:以色列人与巴勒斯坦人
2007-5-27 星期日(Sunday) 晴
Israel and the Palestinians以色列人与巴勒斯坦人
Forty years on弹指四十年
May 24th 2007 | JERUSALEM
From The Economist print edition

The aftermath of the war of 1967 has been a story of squandered opportunities and deepening divisions among Israelis and Palestinians alike
6日战争的余波成为了挥霍机会和加剧分裂的故事,无论是以色列人还是巴勒斯坦人都一样

学谦 译

声明:
本文英文版权归经济学人集团所有,本人翻译完全是出于学习交流的非商业目的。译文版权归本人所有,任何人未经允许,不得转载。


WITH the damp of a rainstorm still hanging in the evening air, a human wave bore down on Jerusalem's old city from the west, engulfing the cool stone walls in a blue-and-white sea. Chanting, dancing and waving flags, thousands of young Israelis celebrated the capture of the ancient capital with a symbolic re-enactment—flowing through its narrow alleys towards the Western Wall, as Israeli troops did on June 7th 1967.
尽管晚空中依旧弥漫着暴风雨的气息,而自西而来的人群仍源源不断的涌向耶路撒冷(Jerusalem)老城[注一],把冰冷的石墙淹没在蓝白色的海洋[注二]之中。这是成千上万年轻的以色列人在欢庆,他们诵着经、跳着舞,还挥舞着旗帜,潮水般的奔过逼仄小巷,直至西墙(the Western Wall)[注三]。这是他们象征性的重演1967年6月7日以军攻占这座古都后的举动。

May 16th, the day that the “reunification” of Jerusalem fell this year by the Jewish calendar, was the day Israel marked the 40th anniversary of its greatest ever military victory, when it crushed three Arab armies and took control of nearly three times its own landmass in just six days. Like those conquering troops, this year's rejoicers wore a uniform, albeit of a different kind: casual clothes and skullcaps for the men, long skirts for the women. Other than religious Zionists, that subset (about a fifth) of Israeli Jews who believe that settling as much as possible of “Greater Israel” is a religious duty, few Israelis today think that Israel's finest hour left it with a lot worth celebrating. Many of the rest are as likely to see its capture of land and subsequent occupation as a tragedy for Israel.
若以犹太历来计算的话,2007年5月16日正是耶路撒冷“重新统一”的纪念日,也就是以色列(Israel)史上最伟大军事胜利40周年纪念日。当时以色列仅用6天时间,便击溃了三个阿拉伯对手[注四],一举控制了比其疆域大近三倍的领土。与当年征服耶路撒冷的以军一样,今年的欢庆者也都着装统一,只是不是军装罢了:男士头戴无边便帽,身穿便服;女士则身着长裙。约有1/5的以色列犹太人是虔诚的犹太复国主义者,他们坚信尽可能的定居于“大以色列(Greater Israel)[注五]”是一种宗教责任。而除了他们之外,如今很少有以色列人会认为以色列留住了那段最美好的时光,尽管有众多有意义的庆典。其余更多的人很可能看到的是征服和占领对以色列来说一种悲剧。

The Palestinians who watched the march quietly from the sidelines, kept at a safe distance by police, have had still more cause to mourn. Just as the war made Jews the world over feel vindicated after 19 years of precarious statehood, the reunification of historic Palestine—Israel, Gaza and the West Bank—under Israeli rule seemed to give the Palestinians a chance to get their own struggle for a state back on track. Yet since then both societies have fractured to the point that their internal conflicts sometimes eclipse the one they have with the other side. And in the meantime a dispute over land has acquired the harsh absolutes of a religious conflict.
巴勒斯坦人站在边界线旁,与警察保持着安全的距离,他们静静的关注着游行队伍,仍然有足够的理由哀伤。19年来,巴勒斯坦一直未能确立国家地位,但全世界的犹太人都认为把原因简单的归结为战争并不公正。在以色列的支配下,疆域包括以色列、加沙(Gaza)和约旦河西岸(West Bank)的旧巴勒斯坦能够重获统一,这似乎是给了巴勒斯坦人一次机会,使其建国的努力回到正轨。不过至今双方仍存在分歧,他们国内的冲突时常使一方不能与另一方达成一致。而在此期间,这片满斥着争执的土地得到的只是刺目的教派冲突。

Many of the participants, historians now argue, were reluctant to go to war. Israel's leaders did not then believe in the doctrine of “strategic depth”, protection through holding more territory; that came later. Gamal Abdel Nasser, the Egyptian president, had been cranking up the rhetoric about destroying Israel in an effort to maintain his position as a “pan-Arab” leader, but in reality kept warning his allies that Israel was still too strong to be attacked. Jordan's King Hussein had held secret talks with Israeli officials, who felt it in their interest to prop up his regime.
如今有许多相关人员和历史学家认为,当初其实谁都不愿意发动战争。那时的以色列领导人并不信奉后来才有的“战略纵深(strategic depth)”原则,即通过维持更广阔的领土来实现防御。埃及总统贾迈勒•阿卜杜勒•纳赛尔(Gamal Abdel Nasser)虽曾几度夸口要消灭以色列,但也只是为了维护其“泛阿(pan-Arab)”领导人地位的努力罢了,事实上他一直在告诫盟友以色列依然过于强大而不要攻击它。约旦(Jordan)国王侯赛因(Hussein)也曾多次同以色列官员进行过秘密会谈,因为这些以色列官员认为支持侯赛因执政符合以色列利益。

The main tensions were with Syria, which competed with Israel for the scarce waters of the Jordan river and supported raids on it by Palestinian guerrilla movements. Among these was the Fatah organisation, headed by a young engineer called Yasser Arafat, who argued that what would liberate Palestine was not Arab government talking-shops—such as the puppet Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) that the Arab League had created in 1964—but an armed struggle waged by the Palestinians themselves. The Israeli army under its hot-headed chief of staff, Yitzhak Rabin, also deliberately provoked the Syrians in an escalating series of clashes, and at one point Israel threatened to invade.
阿以的紧张主要来自于叙利亚(Syria),而这完全是因为约旦河(Jordan river )稀缺的水资源[注六],以及叙利亚支持巴勒斯坦游击队袭击以色列。法塔赫(Fatah)组织便是这些游击队中的一个,该组织的领导人是一名叫亚西尔•阿拉法特(Yasser Arafat)的年轻工程师,他认为应当依靠巴勒斯坦人民自己的武装斗争去争取解放,而不是去指望阿拉伯政府的空淡会,如阿盟(Arab League)于1964年成立的有名无实的巴解组织(PLO)。就在这一年,脾气火爆的伊扎克•拉宾(Yitzhak Rabin)出任以军总参谋长。他蓄意升级一系列冲突以激怒叙利亚人,并且一度威胁要入侵叙利亚。

Syria appealed to Nasser, who had signed a defence pact with it. He ordered troop deployments in the Sinai and closed the Red Sea to Israeli shipping, hoping that this would get his allies off his back. Instead, it pushed Israel into launching a pre-emptive strike. Even so, Levi Eshkol, the prime minister, opposed it for two weeks. He caved in to pressure from the army only after a threat by some parties to quit the governing coalition forced him to bring the hawkish Moshe Dayan (pictured above) on board as defence minister.
叙利亚向纳赛尔发出了请求。根据之前他们签订的防务条约,纳赛尔命令把部队部署到西奈半岛(Sinai),并封锁红海以禁止以色列船只通过,期望这样能使盟友避免背面受敌。然而事与愿违,这反倒促使了以色列先发制人发动空袭。即使如此,以色列总理列维•艾希科尔(Levi Eshkol)曾有两周对此持反对意见。他在一些政党威胁要退出联合政府,被迫任命鹰派人物摩西•达扬(Moshe Dayan,见上图)为国防部长之后,才屈从于军方压力。

Reading the historical accounts today, one wonders what the government commission that recently slammed Israeli politicians and generals for their rashness in launching last summer's war in Lebanon would have made of 1967. It was a war prompted by a gung-ho military (see article), a misreading of the enemy's intentions and political expediency; a huge gamble that stretched Israel's forces to the very limit, and could have destroyed the country had it failed.
今天读这些史料,大家不禁会想因为去年夏天贸然发动对黎巴嫩(Lebanon)战争,而由那些在最近备受指责的以色列政治家和将军组成的内阁,如果处在1967年又会怎么做?那是一场由激进军队挑起的战争,是对敌人意图和政治手段的误解,是一场铺张以军力量到极限程度的豪赌,是能够消灭敌国却没有达成的失败。

No wonder Israelis were relieved and proud. But their feelings went deeper. The Holocaust had left many Jews with a crisis of faith: how could a caring God allow such a tragedy? The triumph in 1967 gave them reason to believe again. “For Jewry to be envied: that is a change indeed,” concluded The Economist's dispatch from Jerusalem that week (see article).
难怪以色列人宽慰和自豪,虽然他们的情感将更深沉。大屠杀给许多幸存的犹太人遗留了信仰危机:仁慈的主怎么能够容忍这样的惨剧?而1967年的胜利给了他们重拾信仰的理由。“犹太民族已变得让人羡慕:而事实上,这只是一个转折,” 那个星期的《经济学人》在刊发来自耶路撒冷的急件中做出了这样一个结论。

The fact that the West Bank was home to the major biblical sites—the old city of Jerusalem, the tomb of the patriarchs in Hebron, Rachel's tomb in Bethlehem—added to the sensation of a divine guiding hand. “Der Judenstaat”, the seminal tract by Theodor Herzl, the father of Zionism, is usually mistranslated as “The Jewish State” rathe
郑学谦 发表于 2007-05-27 20:30 分类:外刊 | 送小红花 推荐指数:0 | 浏览:1282 | 评论: 0
经济学人:哀民生之多艰
2007-5-18 星期五(Friday) 晴
Afghanistan阿富汗
Hearts, minds and death哀民生之多艰
May 10th 2007 | KABUL
From The Economist print edition
A worrying increase in civilian casualties
平民伤亡人数的增加令人担忧

学谦 译

声明:本文英文版权归经济学人集团所有,本人翻译完全是出于学习交流的非商业目的。译文版权归本人所有,任何人未经允许,不得转载。

THE American army this week delivered an apology, and blood money, too, to the families of 19 Afghan civilians killed and 50 wounded by a special forces unit of American marines near Jalalabad on March 4th. “I stand before you today,” said Colonel John Nicholson, “deeply, deeply ashamed and terribly sorry that Americans have killed and wounded innocent Afghan people.”
3月4日美国海军陆战队一支巡逻分队在贾拉拉巴德(Jalalabad)附近的一次“失误”,造成了19名阿富汗人死亡和50人受伤。本周美军对此公开致歉,并向死伤家庭发放赔偿金。“今天我站在你们面前,”约翰•尼科尔森上校说道,“感到非常非常的羞愧,并为在美军枪下死伤的无辜平民表示诚挚的歉意。”

The operation was worryingly similar to the slaughter of 24 Iraqi civilians in Haditha, western Iraq, in 2005, one of the more notorious events in the deterioration of security in that country. The Afghan dead and wounded were left strewn along a 16km (ten-mile) stretch of highway after the marines, who were members of a counter-terrorism contingent operating outside the main NATO peacekeeping force, apparently shot up civilian vehicles and passers-by at random in response to a suicide-bomb attack on their convoy. As in Haditha, the marines then tried to cover their tracks.
令人担忧的是,该行动与2005年发生在伊拉克西部哈迪萨镇(Haditha)的屠杀事件相似。在那次屠杀中,24名伊拉克平民丧生,是在安全局势恶化的伊拉克发生的更为臭名昭著事件中的一件。而在这次美军过后,延绵16公里(10英里)的公路上便零散分布着这些阿富汗人的遗体和伤者。很明显,这支在北约维和部队主力之外执行任务的反恐小分队,随意的朝阿富汗平民交通工具和行人开枪,以作为他们遇上自杀炸弹的报复。随后,发生的事情与哈迪萨镇同出一辙,这队美军企图掩盖他们的行径。

The killing of large numbers of civilians by American forces, through indiscipline or heavy reliance on air strikes, has marked the campaigns in both Afghanistan and Iraq. Since March there have been five episodes in which Western troops have been accused of killing Afghan civilians. Between April 27th and 29th, for example, an operation by special forces in Herat province led to the deaths of at least 49 civilians and the displacement of 1,600 families, according to UN investigators. On May 9th, the day after Colonel Nicholson's apology, the pro-American governor of Helmand province said 21 civilians had been killed in air strikes there.
由于美军违纪和对空袭的严重依赖,大量平民死在美军枪下,这成了发生在阿富汗和伊拉克的战役的特征。今年三月以来,已发生了5起西方联军被指控杀害阿富汗平民的事件。例如,据联合国观察员证实,4月27日到29日驻阿联军在赫拉特省(Herat)的一次行动中,造成至少49名平民丧生,1600个家庭流离失所。而在5月9日,即尼科尔森上校公开致歉的第二天,亲美的赫尔曼德省(Helmand)省长称,该省有21名平民死于美军空袭。

Clearly there is a difference between what appears to have happened near Jalalabad (prosecutions are pending) and accidents that occur in war. Accidents are unavoidable when Western troops face an enemy willing to conceal itself within the civilian population (and with little concern for civilian casualties). Still, in the minds of the Afghan population, the perception is building that Western troops have little scruple about civilian casualties, either.
很明显,在贾拉拉巴德附近发生的屠杀事件(即将被起诉)和战争中偶然发生事故之间有着怎样的区别。当西方联军面对故意隐藏在平民中的敌人(而这些敌人很少关心平民的伤亡)时,事故无可避免。然而,在阿富汗人民心中也正在形成一种西方联军不顾忌平民伤亡的看法。

That impression is growing because of scrutiny by an increasingly confident and critical Afghan press, eager to use the freedom it is now supposed to enjoy. In the wake of the March 4th shootings, Afghan journalists were quickly on the scene. Several were threatened or had their film erased by American soldiers. One reporter was told: “Delete the photos or I delete you.”
而这一印象在逐渐加深,因为阿富汗媒体热切的希望行使现在应该享受的自由,他们的监督越来越大胆而富有批判性。在3月4日的乱射之后没多久,阿富汗新闻记者便马上赶到了现场。但其中的几位受到了美军士兵的威胁,他们的录像也因此被清除了。有一个记者被威胁道:“要照片,还是要命?”

NATO officials are promising to set up a board of inquiry to include military, civilian and Afghan government members. More money will go to the compensation fund (families of those killed near Jalalabad got $2,000 per death).
北约官员已承诺建立一所由军人、平民和阿富汗政府成员组成的调查机构。还将向赔偿基金注入更多的资金(贾拉拉巴德事件的每个遇害者家庭可获得2000美元赔偿)。

But is it already too late? In response to early reports of a massacre in Shindand, Afghanistan's leader, Hamid Karzai, gave warning that Afghans' patience with the foreign troops was “wearing thin”. Mr Karzai has issued similar warnings in the past. But there is mounting evidence to suggest he may be right. This week the upper house of the Afghan parliament called for a ceasefire, negotiations with the Taliban, and a date to be set for the withdrawal of foreign troops.
但这些是否为时过晚?作为对早先辛丹德(Shindand)屠杀报道的回应,阿富汗总统哈米德•卡尔扎伊警告道,阿富汗对外国军队已越来越缺乏耐心。他在之前就发出过类似警告,而且现在有越来越多的证据显示卡尔扎伊也许是对的。就在本周,阿富汗议会上院就呼吁停火,与塔利班(Taliban)谈判,并制定外国军队撤军的时间表。
郑学谦 发表于 2007-05-18 17:44 分类:外刊 | 送小红花 推荐指数:0 | 浏览:764 | 评论: 0
国殇
2007-5-16 星期三(Wednesday) 晴
今天是5月16日,对于很多很来说,应该是一个很平常的日子,但对于熟知抗战史的人来说,1940年的今天决不平凡!67年前的今天,张自忠将军慷慨殉国!
一直很佩服、欣赏这种“捐躯赴国难,视死忽如归”的英雄,因为他们身上的气节、血性总能感染我,激起我内中难以遏制的感动。然而,张自忠将军的殉国,却不完全是因为敌寇所致,有三分之一是为当时国人所迫,三分之一是以死明志!也就说,张之死可以看作是自杀!
何出此言,有关张自忠将军渡襄击敌的背景,现今诸多大家早有透彻的分析,细节学谦在此也不再复赘。当时的情况大体是,张将军赴死之前,国人视其为“特等汉奸”,连篇累牍讨伐不止。张将军努力杀敌以正其心,无奈又被国人以为是欲脱其罪,知耻而后勇。无奈之下,张将军惟有以死明志,以告国人其浩然之心!
呜呼,悠悠众口,可以烁金,可以杀人,可以误国也!此理古今皆然,当今之世,若有丝毫对日韩等国示好之意,则可被愤青视为汉奸。似乎如不与与我国有隙的外国决裂,则不配为中国人了。如此一来,赵薇、章子怡等,难免身背骂名,可能一辈子也难洗清了。
当然,我也不否认,谄媚于外国者,在日后的某种特定环境下,倒是也有反骨的可能。但是示好不等同谄媚,而且示好背后的动机又颇为复杂,如果正像张自忠将军那样,身负国之大任,周旋于敌国,这般示好,岂容无知者侮辱?!古今的无知者,似乎都一般的是单细胞动物,眼里的爱国者和汉奸评判标准是如此的肤浅,丝毫没有大脑一般。而更可恨的是,某些“有知者”,竟然为了谄媚无知者,写些煽风点火的文字,口诛笔伐所谓的“特等汉奸”,似乎如此一来,自己便成了民族英雄了。每念及此,内中不禁生出一阵寒意,一阵恶心,一阵义愤。然又悲乎其无知、无良,何以总做这些亲者痛,仇者快的傻事呢?
张将军之死,慷慨而无奈;敌寇当时得知,震惊而敬仰,为其抬棺者,尽高级将领;而国人当时,不知悼念之时,会不会心生一丝愧疚?当时或许会,而现在呢?今作此文,以祭张自忠将军及所有被误解的爱国者。
郑学谦 发表于 2007-05-16 08:52 分类:随感 | 送小红花 推荐指数:0 | 浏览:695 | 评论: 0

 页码:1/19  [1][2][3][4][5]: